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Podcasts/Lex Fridman Podcast/Crews, Robert

Crews, Robert

historian at Stanford specializing in Afghanistan, Russia, and Islam

Robert Crews: Afghanistan, Taliban, Bin Laden, and War in the Middle East

Lex Fridman Podcast · Nov 28, 2021

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Core ideas

Crews states unequivocally that the 2001 US invasion of Afghanistan was a mistake, arguing the Bush administration acted out of panic and a need to project resolve and legitimacy rather than through careful analysis of who the actual enemy was; he argues al-Qaeda was fundamentally a stateless, global network rather than a phenomenon specific to Afghan geography, and that Afghanistan became a "soft target" for symbolic retaliation and restoring a sense of American supremacy rather than a coherent response to the actual threat. He traces his own perspective to unplanned personal history — living among young Afghan traders as roommates in Tashkent, Uzbekistan in the late 1990s while researching Islam in the Russian empire — which shaped his view of Afghans as a highly cosmopolitan, well-traveled, multilingual diaspora rather than the isolated, static society often portrayed in American media, and he discusses at length how Afghanistan's apparent geographic remoteness (particularly in southern provinces like Helmand and Kandahar) masks family and trade histories often connecting individuals to dozens of countries and languages across Eurasia.

On Osama bin Laden, Crews — explicit that he approaches this "adjacently" as an Afghanistan historian rather than an al-Qaeda specialist — argues bin Laden is best understood not primarily as an Islamic religious thinker (his training was in engineering, and he was reportedly a "playboy" in his youth) but as a sophisticated, cosmopolitan political operator who wove together grievance narratives — anti-imperialism, environmentalism, feminist-adjacent critiques of Western treatment of women, and references to specific conflicts (Kashmir, Palestine, Bosnia, Chechnya) — into a broad recruitment message, while enlisting recognized religious scholars to co-sign his declarations for authority he personally lacked. Crews compares this rhetorical strategy to Hitler's — accurately identifying real grievances (German economic hardship; Muslim-world suffering under specific US and allied policies, citing Iraqi child mortality under sanctions and Madeleine Albright's controversial "worth it" comment) while directing that grievance toward morally catastrophic action — and argues bin Laden deliberately cultivated a humble, soft-spoken, scholarly public persona (in deliberate contrast to macho strongman imagery) as part of his appeal, while stressing that "bin Ladenism" never became a mass movement among Muslims globally, in part because his direct responsibility for mass killing limited his appeal. Discussing what motivates individual recruits to violence more broadly, Crews cites research (including from the Paris Bataclan trial) suggesting no consistent psychological or religious-devotion "typology" predicts radicalization, and argues geopolitics, inequality, and a desire for a form of political agency matter more than religious doctrine alone.

Crews gives a detailed account of Afghanistan's modern history: the 1978 leftist coup, the 1979 Soviet invasion and decade-long occupation (during which, he says, hundreds of thousands to as many as two million Afghan civilians died, mostly at Soviet hands), the mujahideen's US/Pakistani/Saudi-backed resistance (in which Arab volunteers like bin Laden did comparatively little of the actual fighting), the 1989 Soviet withdrawal under Gorbachev, the 1992 mujahideen takeover, and the ensuing civil war from which the Taliban emerged in 1994, initially framing themselves as a corrective moral/security movement (citing an origin story of breaking up a gang accused of rape). He describes the Taliban as an overwhelmingly Pashtun, male, ideologically cohesive "clerical-military organization" whose guerrilla strategy (AK-47s, mines, IEDs, and later some captured American equipment) defeated NATO, and argues their post-2021 diplomatic outreach — cultivating relationships with Pakistan, Iran, Russia, and China, and adopting NGO-style bureaucratic and digital-government language despite having no functioning economy or banking system — reflects a deliberate, calculated bid for international legitimacy, even as they remain fundamentally unable to govern (citing frozen banking, aid dependency, and violent responses to women publicly demanding rights). Crews argues the withdrawal's execution compounded 20 years of missed "exit" opportunities under Bush, Obama, Trump, and Biden, and states the Biden administration bears direct responsibility for a "strategic, humanitarian, and ethical failure" it has not been held accountable for, while cautioning that the US occupation itself produced significant unintended positive social dynamism (increased education access, a genuine pluralistic public sphere, youth-driven multi-ethnic Afghan civic identity, projects like the American University of Afghanistan) that was not centrally planned by Washington and was abruptly extinguished by the Taliban's return.

Reflecting on broader lessons, Crews argues the US's post-9/11 expansion of the "War on Terror" to dozens of countries created a self-reinforcing dynamic in which more of the world came to feel under attack by American power, and that this — combined with unaccounted-for civilian casualties (he notes the world didn't begin systematically counting Afghan civilian deaths until 2009) — fueled continued recruitment regardless of battlefield losses. He is critical of a persistent lack of official US transparency and accountability (citing bureaucratic non-apologies after drone strikes) as corrosive to public trust, drawing a direct parallel to Fridman's separately-raised criticism of COVID-era public health communication, and argues honest acknowledgment of mistakes, rather than legalistic evasion, is what actually builds durable public trust in leadership. Prompted to reflect on the ethics of empire more broadly, Crews — describing himself as a scholar whose work has focused critically on how imperial power operates — expresses discomfort with framings that celebrate US "defeat" in Afghanistan as an anti-colonial victory, arguing that the capacity of a dominant power to unilaterally invade and then unilaterally abandon a country, with populations left to bear the consequences either way, is itself a hallmark of imperial "capriciousness" rather than its negation. He closes by emphasizing the humanizing, cosmopolitan depth of Afghan culture (citing documentaries like Afghan Star and Love Crimes of Kabul, the visual artist Khadim Ali, and the shared, only-loosely-nationally-claimed legacy of the poet Rumi) as a necessary counterweight to a Western public conversation about Afghanistan dominated almost entirely by war, terrorism, and geopolitics.

Excerpts

On why he believes bin Laden's appeal rested on more than religious doctrine:

“He is a cosmopolitan thinker who plays in all kinds of modern ideologies which have proven to mobilize people in the past — anti-Semitism, populism, environmentalism, and the urging to do something about humanity, do something about suffering... he is not an Islamic thinker.”

On the US invading and then abandoning Afghanistan as an expression of imperial power rather than its negation:

“It's part of being an empire that you can just get up and leave a place, that you can remake its politics one day and then, because it fails to advance your agenda at one moment, simply walk away... the capriciousness — the ability to act as if your political decisions about people's lives are something that can be made in secret, made willingly, beyond the accountability of those who actually live with the consequences.”

On the cosmopolitan reality of Afghan life obscured by its apparent geographic remoteness:

“Afghanistan is this paradox of visually looking remote and looking like it's kind of stuck in time, but the family trajectories and the current [contradictions] are astoundingly cosmopolitan and mobile... the trade has connected them to cosmopolitan centers... ancestors may have been horse traders who went all the way to Moscow.”